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[\/vc_column_text][vc_video link=”https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=7Q2mvgN2QDY&t=107s”][vc_column_text]Mamaritra ny hybridity i Profesora Dominik Zaum avy ao amin’ny Oniversiten’ny Reading ao amin’ity horonantsary ity. Ambarany fa amin’ny ankapobeny izy io dia mampiseho ny toetran\u2019ny rafitra ara-politika iray, indrindra fa ny fenitra ao aminy. Izany rafitra izany dia maneho ny fenitra sy ny tombontsoa avy amina antoko maro isan-karazany. Amin\u2019ny lafiny iray dia endrika miofo izay isehoan\u2019ny fomba fijery madio sy hevitra indraindrain\u2019ny lamina ara-politika iray ny hybridit\u00e9.\u201d<\/p>\n
Ankoatra izany, dia manoro hevitra izy fa mahazatra, ary miharihary ny fahitana fa \u201chybride\u201d ny lamina ara-politika iray, satria ny lamina ara-politika rehetra dia ifampiraharahana, sy iverenana ifampiraharahana hatrany, tsy mari-toerana izy araka izany. Vao mainka marina izany ho an\u2019ny vanim-potoana aorian’ny ady izay mora isehoam-piovaovana. \u00a0Manoloana izany rehetra izany, hoy izy dia tsy mahagaga araka izany ny fahitana fa tsy maneho ny lasitra ara-teknikan’ireo andrim-panjakana iraisampirenena ny zava-misy eny ifotony fa maneho kosa ny ady varotra politika tsy mirindra, izay vokatry ny fifanarahana amin\u2019ireo mpanao politika eo an-toerana.<\/p>\n
Manome ohatra roa ihany koa izy izay nisy ny fizotry ny hybridation. Miresaka momba ny fifanenjanana eo amin’ny lal\u00e0na iraisampirenena eo andaniny, indrindra fa ny lal\u00e0na iraisampirenena momba ny zon’olombelona, sy ny lal\u00e0na nentim-paharazana etsy ankilany. Miresaka momba ny tranga iray manan-danja teo amin’ny sehatry ny filaminana sy ny fanorenana fanjakana tany Timor Leste izy. Niezaka ny hametraka rafi-pitsarana ara-d\u00e0lana ny firenena mikambana saingy tsy nanana fahafahana tanteraka hampihatra ity rafitra ity haingana dia haingana izy. Nifampikasoka teny ary niara-nisy tamin\u2019ireo endri-d\u00e0lana nentim-paharazana, izay mifantoka betsaka amin\u2019ny andraikitra iombonana, ny fanalalanana sy ny onitra, mihoatra noho ny amin\u2019ny endrika fitsarana hafa. Niseho tamin\u2019izany anefa ny fifandirana lehibe teo amin\u2019ny fitsipika ara-dal\u00e0n\u2019ny zon\u2019olombelona eo andaniny, sy ny lal\u00e0na nenti-paharazana teo ankilany, teo amin\u2019ny resaka miralenta sy ny anjara asan\u2019ny lehilahy sy ny vehivavy ohatra.<\/p>\n
Ny mahaliana amin’ny dingan’ny \u00ab hybridation \u00bb hoy izy dia : amin’ny lafiny iray, tsy voatery hifanaraka fa mifampikasoka, ary mifanditra amin\u2019ny lafiny samihafa aza ireo fenitry ny lal\u00e0na nentim-paharazana sy ny an\u2019ny l\u00e0lana iraisam-pirenena mikasika ny zon\u2019olombelona ireo. Eo koa anefa ny momba ny fahafaha-manatanteraka. Tonga ho manan-danja tokoa io satria tsy nisy mihitsy ny fahafahana nametraka feno ny rafitra ara-dal\u00e0na sy ny fanjakana tan-dal\u00e0na. Amin’ny lafiny iray hafa, dia nameno hatrany ny banga na nifaninana tany amin\u2019ireo toerana niezahan\u2019ny fiarahamonina iraisampirenena nametrahana io rafitra ara-dal\u00e0na io ny lal\u00e0na nentim-paharazana. Izay famenoan\u2019ny lal\u00e0na nenti-paharazana izay ny banga any amin\u2019izay tsy ahitana ny fanjakana izay dia endrika lehibe isehoan\u2019ny \u00ab hybdridit\u00e9 \u00bb. Manomboka mampivoitra ireo toerana izay isehoan\u2019ny fifampiraharahana sy ny fiverimberenan\u2019izany eo amin\u2019ny roa tonta io. Tsy voatery ny rafi-panjakana\u00a0 lehibe io fa maz\u00e0na aza ny zava-misy andavanandro.<\/p>\n
Ny ohatra faharoa mahaliana asehony eto dia ny momba ny fandrafetana ny andrim-panjakana.\u00a0 Ohatra iray tena tsara ny any Afghanistan sy ny andraikitry ny Loyia jirga, izay karazana komity ofisialy nentim-paharazana. Misy fanontaniana roa mahaliana hoy izy mikasika ny fisian’ny hybridit\u00e9 amin\u2019izany. Ny voalohany dia ny andraikitry ny Loyia Jirga, izay karazana rafitra nentim-paharazana hamah\u00e0na ny fifandirana na hametrahana fitsipika anatina rafitra misy lal\u00e0m-panorenana, ary ahoana no hampifanarahana azy roa ireo, indrindra rehefa mihoatra ny maha-zavatra manokana anatin\u2019ny fotoana azy ny fananganana ilay komity fa omena anjara andraikitra maharitra ao anatin\u2019ny raharaha politikany Loya Jirga.<\/p>\n
Ny faharoa, dia momba ny maha-mpikambana ao\u00a0 amin’ny Loya Jirga, hatraiza no tokony hanehoan’izy ireo ny fenitra entin’ny\u00a0 fiarahamonina iraisampirenena ho amin’ny fandriampahalemana sy ny fananganana fanjakana, sa tokony hisy ny fandraisana anjaran\u2019ireo foko isan-karazany. Ary amin\u2019ny lafiny marindrano, tokony hampidirina ve ny vehivavy, ireo vondrona tsy hita taratra firy, na voahilika tamin\u2019ny fiainam-pirenena, toy izay hita amin\u2019ny firenena maro? Sa ve tokony haneho fenitra nenti-paharazana kokoa, izay mpianady no mpisehatra eo amin\u2019ny fifandraisam-pahefana misy ao anatiny? Misy zavatra maro samihafa izay mifampikasoka ao hoy izy.<\/p>\n
Mahaliana ny mijery akaiky ireo sehatra ireo satria, ao anatin\u2019ny dingan\u2019ny \u201chybridation\u201d, dia mahita ny fihetsiketsiky ny politika sy ny fahefana isika, tsy toy ny singa roa samy hafa, dia ny avy any ivelany sy ny eo an-toerana ihany, fa afaka mamakafaka ireo isika ka mahita ny fananan\u2019ny fiarahamonina iraisampirenena tombotsoa tandrovana samihafa, ary maneho fitsipika isan-karazany. Ary na ireo mpisehatra ara-politika avy eo an-toerana, na dia misehatra ao anatina rafitra iraisana ara-dal\u00e0na az izy ireo dia manana tombontsoa tandrovana samihafa ihany koa.\u00a0 Manasongadina ny fifampiraharahana, tsy eo amin\u2019ny avy any ivelany sy ny eo an-toerana ihany, fa avy ao anatin\u2019ny tsirairay ireo dingana ireo.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”English” tab_id=”1646910453554-1af34ec6-83a3″][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n
[\/vc_column_text][vc_video link=”https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=oQHDjJQFci4&t=186s”][vc_column_text]In this video, Professor Dominik Zaum from the University of Reading defines hybridity. He explains that at the most basic, it is the nature of a political order, in particular its norms, its institutions which reflect the norms and interests of multiple and different parties. It is a compromised version of a pure or idealized notion of a particular political order.
\nHe suggests that as an observation that a political order is hybrid is banal and obvious, any political order is constantly negotiated and renegotiated, is not fixed and that is even more so true for post-conflict contexts which tend to be more fluid. The reality on the ground does not reflect the technocratic blueprints of international institutions. Hence, the messy political bargains that arise from the engagement with local political actors therefore should not come as a surprise.
\nIn view of all of this, he says that it is really helpful to focus on hybridisation as a process rather than hybridity as an outcome because hybridity as an outcome is quite banal. He explains that when we start to look at hybridization as a process it shifts the gaze towards both the actors but also the nature of their interactions and the political and power dynamics between them.
\nProfessor Zaum also gives two examples in which there have been hybridization processes. He talks about the tensions between international law in particular forms of international human rights law on the one hand, and traditional law on the other. In the case of peace and state building in East Timor for example, the UN mission tried to set up a formal legal system as it but lacked the capacity to implement this across the country. The norms rubbed along and existed alongside traditional forms of law which focused very much on collective responsibility, on mediation or compensation rather than other notions of justice and where there were quite significant conflict between the principles of formal human rights law on the one hand and traditional law in the other especially for example with regards to gender and gender roles.
\nHe explains that the idea of traditional law and traditional institutions filling the gaps where the state is absent is really an important aspect of the reality of hybridity and it starts to highlight the places where this negotiation and renegotiation between the two continues to take place. It is very often the everyday not necessarily the big formal institutions.
\nAnother example he gives focuses on institutional design in Afghanistan and the role of the Loyia jirga. The latter is a kind of formal and traditional assemblies. He explains there are two interesting questions in that case. The first one is what is the role of the Loyia Jirga, a kind of traditional mechanism of conflict resolution of rule-making in a kind of form of constitutional framework and how one tries to reconcile those two especially when you move beyond the moment of a kind of constitutional assembly is a sort of one off event but give the Loya Jirga a more regular role in the ongoing political process.
\nSecond, there is the question around the membership of these Loya Jirgas, to what extent should they reflect the kind of norms that the international community brings to peace and statebuilding or should there be a representation of all different ethnic groups and horizontally, should it be inclusive of women, of under-represented groups and groups traditionally marginalized in the policy process in so many countries. Or should it really just reflect more traditional norms, existing power relations reflecting the war lords, there is a range of different things that rub against each other.
\nHe suggests that there are areas of interest to look at because here in this hybridization process, one can see the political and the power dynamics and importantly we don\u2019t see them as a dyad between the local and the international but they allow us to disaggregate those, that both the international community or the international presence has a multiple interests and to some extent represents and reflects multiple normative frameworks but in particular also local political actors even if they act in a relatively common normative framework and very varying interests. These processes highlight the negotiations not just between the locals and the internationals but also within them.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Fran\u00e7ais” tab_id=”1646910471026-2454f48a-1314″][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n
[\/vc_column_text][vc_video link=”https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=oQHDjJQFci4&t=186s”][vc_column_text]Dans cette vid\u00e9o, Professeur Dominik Zaum de l’Universit\u00e9 de Reading d\u00e9finit l’hybridit\u00e9. Il explique qu\u2019 \u00e0 la base elle peut \u00eatre definie comme la nature d\u2019une structure d\u2019un ordre politique, en particulier ses normes, ses institutions qui refl\u00e8tent les normes et les int\u00e9r\u00eats de multiples et diff\u00e9rentes parties. Dans un sens, c\u2019est une version compromise d\u2019une notion pure ou id\u00e9alis\u00e9e d\u2019un ordre politique particulier.<\/p>\n
Il sugg\u00e8re que, l\u2019observation qu\u2019un ordre politique est hybride est banale et \u00e9vidente, tout ordre politique est constamment n\u00e9goci\u00e9 et ren\u00e9goci\u00e9, n\u2019est pas fixe, et c\u2019est d\u2019autant plus vrai pour les contextes post-conflits qui ont tendance \u00e0 \u00eatre plus fluides. Compte tenu de tout cela, il dit qu\u2019il n\u2019est pas \u00e9tonnant de constater que\u00a0\u00a0 la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 sur le terrain ne refl\u00e8te pas les sch\u00e9mas technocratiques des institutions internationales mais plut\u00f4t les n\u00e9gociations politiques d\u00e9sordonn\u00e9es qui d\u00e9coulent de l\u2019engagement avec les acteurs politiques locaux.<\/p>\n
Il donne \u00e9galement deux exemples dans lesquels il y a eu des processus d’hybridation. Il parle des tensions entre le droit international, en particulier les formes de droit international des droits de l\u2019homme, d\u2019une part, et le droit traditionnel, d\u2019autre part. Par exemple, dans le cas de la paix et du renforcement de l\u2019\u00c9tat au Timor Oriental o\u00f9 la mission de l\u2019ONU a essay\u00e9 de mettre en place un syst\u00e8me juridique formel mais n\u2019a pas la capacit\u00e9 de mettre en \u0153uvre ce syst\u00e8me dans tout le pays et tr\u00e8s rapidement ce syst\u00e8me juridique formel, avec une capacit\u00e9 limit\u00e9e. Ces normes se sont frott\u00e9s \u00e0 d\u2019autres formes de droits traditionnels qui se concentrent beaucoup sur la responsabilit\u00e9 collective, la m\u00e9diation ou l\u2019indemnisation plut\u00f4t que sur d\u2019autres notions de justice et o\u00f9 il existe un conflit assez important entre les principes du droit formel des droits de l\u2019homme d\u2019une part et du droit traditionnel d\u2019autre part, en particulier par exemple en ce qui concerne\u00a0 le genre et les r\u00f4les de genre.<\/p>\n
Il explique que l\u2019id\u00e9e de droit traditionnel et d\u2019institutions traditionnelles comblant les lacunes o\u00f9 l\u2019\u00c9tat est absente est vraiment un aspect important de la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 de l\u2019hybridit\u00e9 et elle commence \u00e0 mettre en \u00e9vidence les endroits o\u00f9 cette n\u00e9gociation et cette ren\u00e9gociation entre les deux continuent d\u2019avoir lieu. C\u2019est tr\u00e8s souvent au niveau de la vie quotidienne pas n\u00e9cessairement au sein des grandes institutions formelles.<\/p>\n
Un autre exemple qu’il donne se concentre sur la conception institutionnelle en Afghanistan et le r\u00f4le de la Loyia jirga. Ce dernier est une sorte d’assembl\u00e9es formelles et traditionnelles. Il explique qu’il y a deux questions assez int\u00e9ressantes dans ce cas. La premi\u00e8re est le r\u00f4le de la Loyia\u00a0 Jirga, une sorte de m\u00e9canisme traditionnel de r\u00e9solution des conflits ou d\u2019\u00e9laboration de r\u00e8gles dans une sorte de cadre constitutionnel et comment essayer de concilier ces deux- surtout lorsque vous allez au-del\u00e0 de la constitution de l\u2019assembl\u00e9e comme un \u00e9v\u00e9nement ponctuel et donner \u00e0 la\u00a0 Loya Jirga un r\u00f4le plus r\u00e9gulier dans le processus politique en cours.<\/p>\n
Et puis, bien s\u00fbr, il y a la question de l\u2019appartenance \u00e0 la Loya\u00a0 Jirga, dans quelle mesure devraient-elles refl\u00e9ter le type de normes que la communaut\u00e9 internationale apporte \u00e0 la paix et \u00e0\u00a0 l\u2019\u00e9dification de l\u2019\u00c9tat ou devrait-il y avoir une repr\u00e9sentation de tous les diff\u00e9rents groupes ethniques, horizontalement, devrait-elle inclure les femmes, les groupes sous-repr\u00e9sent\u00e9s et les groupes traditionnellement marginalis\u00e9s dans le processus politique dans tout le pays. Ou devrait-il vraiment refl\u00e9ter des normes plus traditionnelles, des relations de pouvoir existantes refl\u00e9tant les chefs de guerre, il y a une gamme de choses diff\u00e9rentes qui se frottent les unes contre les autres.<\/p>\n
Il sugg\u00e8re qu’il y a des domaines d’int\u00e9r\u00eat \u00e0 examiner car ici, dans ce processus d’hybridation, nous pouvons voir les politiques et la dynamique et, surtout, nous ne les voyons pas comme une dyade entre le local et l\u2019international, mais ils nous permettent de d\u00e9sagr\u00e9ger le fait que la communaut\u00e9 internationale ou la pr\u00e9sence internationale a des int\u00e9r\u00eats multiples et, dans une certaine mesure, repr\u00e9sente et refl\u00e8te de multiples normes mais en particulier aussi, les acteurs politiques locaux m\u00eame s\u2019ils agissent dans un cadre normatif relativement commun ayant des int\u00e9r\u00eats vari\u00e9s. Ces processus mettent en \u00e9vidence les n\u00e9gociations\u00a0 non seulement entre les locaux et les internationaux, mais aussi au sein de ceux-ci.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_tabs][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_tta_tabs color=”turquoise” gap=”5″ active_section=”1″][vc_tta_section title=”Malagasy” tab_id=”1646912995578-5c7ea70e-7b65″][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n
[\/vc_column_text][vc_video link=”https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=I6H9vXghn3M&t=1s”][vc_column_text]Milaza amintsika bebe kokoa momba ny tombontsoa azo avy amin’ny fandalinana ny fizotran’ny hybridization amin’ny fandriampahalemana sy ny ady Profesora Dominik Zaum eto amin’ity horonantsary ity. Manazava izy fa manala ny fijerintsika hiala amin\u2019izay\u00a0 vokatra ho amin\u2019ny fandehan\u2019ny lafiny politika sy ny fahefana ny fifantohana amin\u2019ny fizotry ny \u201cHybridation\u201d. Ahafahantsika mamakamafaka ny amin\u2019izay tena dikan\u2019ny hoe \u201cavy eo an-toerana na ifotony\u201d izany. Ary heveriny fa lafiny iray manan-danja izay mendrika ny hisarihana ny saintsika izany.<\/p>\n
Manasongadina zavatra roa manokana izany araka ny heviny. Voalohany, mampiseho izany fa ny fanamafisana orina ny filaminana sy ny disadisa dia fizotra politika izay isehoana ady varotra mandrakariva. Noho izany, mba hahatakarantsika ny vokatra, dia ilaintsika ny mahazo an\u2019ireo fizotra ireo, ary izany indrindra no atao hoe \u201cHybridation\u201d. Raha mamindra ny fijerintsika ho amin\u2019ny mpiantsehatra sy ny rafitra, ary ny fomba andrafetany ny dingana ifampiraharahany isika, dia amin\u2019izay vao manomboka mahazo ny fiantraikany eo amin\u2019ny vokatra sy ny toetry ny rafitra politika hybride.<\/p>\n
Hazavainy ihany koa ny antony maha-zava-dehibe ny foto-kevitra momba ny hybridity amin’ny fanaovana politika sy ny tombontsoa ho an’ny mpanao politika raha mandinika izany ao amin’ny fandaharan’asany. Tsy mino izy hoe afaka manao tetikasa ho an’ny \u201chybridit\u00e9\u201d na fandaharan\u2019asa ho an’ny\u00a0 hybridation isika. Nefa kosa dia zava-dehibe ho an’ny fandalinana ny fanaovana tetikasa tsara omana ny fanekena ny fisian\u2019ny endrika mifangaro eo amin\u2019ny lamina ara-politika sy ny fihetsiketsehana izay mikasika izany.<\/p>\n
Eo amin’ny ambaratonga lehibe izay hamolavolana paikady,\u00a0 dia tsy maintsy ekentsika ny famolavolan\u2019ireo dingana fifampiraharahana miverimberina ireo amin\u2019ny vokatra sy ny safidy misy eo amin\u2019ny andrim-panjakana. Noho izany, dia tsy misy fandikana mivantana ny lasitra ara-panjakana iray ho tahirin-kevitra ary ampiharina avy hatrany amin\u2019ny zava-misy fa misy toe-javatra izay mifamahofaho eo anelanelan\u2019ireo. Mila manaiky izany dieny eo am-panombohana isika rehefa miditra amin\u2019ireo dingana ireo. Isan\u2019izany ny hetaheta iombonana mikasika ny vokatra andrasana.<\/p>\n
Faharoa, dia azontsika jerena ny eo amin\u2019ny ambaratongan\u2019ny fanatanterahana ny asa izany. Ilain\u2019ireo fandaharan\u2019asa ny mijery an\u2019ireo toe-javatra mifamahofaho ireo, sy ny\u00a0 fihetsiketsika ara-politika sy ara-kery mba ahafahana mifandray aminy. Tsy azontsika atao araka izany ny manao tetikasa, ka manao an\u2019ireo zavatra ho toy ny tsy misy fa ilaintsika ny mihevitra azy ireo eo am-panomanana tetikasa. Fahatelo, ilaintsika ny manaiky sy miaiky fa tsy\u00a0 tokony hahataitra ny \u201chybridation\u201d, fa zavatra miseho mandrakariva izany. Ary tsy olana ho azy\u00a0 izany, satria ny lamina rehetra misy dia manana endrika mifangaro na hybrides avokoa.<\/p>\n
Mety hanimba, na koa hiantraika amin\u2019ny lafiny ara-politika, ara-tsosialy, na ara-toekarena izany, satria manohy na manamafy aza ny fanilikilihana ny vondrona sasany . Tsy vokatry ny hybridation loatra anefa izany, fa noho ny toetry ny fihetsiketsika politika izay lafika ao ambany. Ireo no ilaintsika itodihana, fa tsy ny fanomezan-tsiny na ny fanindrahindrana ny hybridation.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”English” tab_id=”1646912995578-44ee09ce-5cb2″][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n
[\/vc_column_text][vc_video link=”https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=XTAFPCva4zU&t=6s”][vc_column_text]In this video, Professor Dominik Zaum from the University of Reading tells us more about the benefits of studying processes of hybridization in peace and conflict. He explains that focusing on hybridization shifts our gaze away from outcomes towards processes and towards the political and power dynamics. Doing so allows us to disaggregate what the local actually means.<\/p>\n
It highlights that both peacebuilding and conflict itself are deeply political processes of constant bargaining of negotiation and re-negotiation. To understand the outcomes, we need to understand these processes and ultimately this is what hybridisation is all about. And if we shift our gaze towards actors but also the institutions and how they shape bargaining processes, then we really start to understand how they affect the outcomes and the nature that hybrid political orders will take.<\/p>\n
He also explains why the concept of hybridity is relevant in policy-making and the benefits for policy-makers to consider it in their programming. He does not think we can program for hybridity or program for hybridization. But recognizing the hybrid nature of political orders and the dynamics that underpin them is really important for the analysis of informed programming.<\/p>\n
At the macro and strategic level, there has to be a recognition that these processes of negotiation and re-negotiation shape the outcomes and institutional choices. So there is not a direct translation an institutional blueprint in a policy document towards reality on the ground but there is a messy reality that happens between those. Then we just have to recognize right from the start when we embark on these processes. Not least the shared expectations with regards to the ambitions of the outcome.<\/p>\n
We can also look at this at the operational level. Programs need to take this messy reality into account and understand the political and power dynamics to engage with them. We cannot just program as these things don\u2019t exist but need to take these into account when developing our programs.<\/p>\n
Finally, we need to just accept and recognize that hybridization is not surprising, that it happens all the time, and it is not a problem in itself, all orders are in some forms hybrid, whether the form they take is detrimental and has come at significant political, economic, and social cost to certain groups for example because it continues or even enhances the marginalization of certain groups, that is not a consequence of hybridization as such but of the nature of the underlying political dynamics. And these are those we need to try to engage with and address rather than bemoan or celebrate hybridization.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Fran\u00e7ais” tab_id=”https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=XTAFPCva4zU&feature=youtu.be”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n
[\/vc_column_text][vc_video link=”https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=XTAFPCva4zU&t=6s”][vc_column_text]Dans cette vid\u00e9o, le professeur Dominik Zaum de l’Universit\u00e9 de Reading nous en dit plus sur les avantages d’\u00e9tudier les processus d’hybridation dans la paix et les conflits. Il explique que se concentrer sur l\u2019hybridation d\u00e9tourne notre regard des r\u00e9sultats vers les dynamiques politique et de pouvoir et nous permet de d\u00e9sagr\u00e9ger ce que le local signifie r\u00e9ellement. Il pense que c\u2019est vraiment un aspect important qui m\u00e9rite notre attention.<\/p>\n
Il souligne que la consolidation de la paix et le conflit eux-m\u00eames sont des processus profond\u00e9ment politiques impliquant une n\u00e9gociation constante et de re-n\u00e9gociation. Ainsi, pour comprendre les r\u00e9sultats, nous devons comprendre ces processus et, en fin de compte, c\u2019est ce qu\u2019est l\u2019hybridation. Et si nous d\u00e9pla\u00e7ons notre regard vers les acteurs, mais aussi vers les institutions et la fa\u00e7on dont elles fa\u00e7onnent les processus de n\u00e9gociation, alors nous commen\u00e7ons vraiment \u00e0 comprendre comment ils affectent les r\u00e9sultats et la nature que prendront les ordres politiques hybrides.<\/p>\n
Il explique \u00e9galement pourquoi le concept d’hybridit\u00e9 est pertinent dans l’\u00e9laboration des politiques et les avantages pour les d\u00e9cideurs de le prendre en compte dans leur programmation.Il ne pense pas que nous puissions programmer pour l\u2019hybridit\u00e9 ou programmer pour l\u2019hybridation. Mais reconna\u00eetre la nature hybride des ordres politiques et la dynamique qui les sous-tend est vraiment important\u00a0 pour l\u2019analyse d\u2019une programmation bien \u00e9clair\u00e9e.<\/p>\n
Au niveau macro et strat\u00e9gique, il\u00a0 faut\u00a0 reconna\u00eetre que ces processus de n\u00e9gociation et de re-n\u00e9gociation fa\u00e7onnent les r\u00e9sultats et les choix institutionnels. Il n\u2019y a donc pas de traduction directe d\u2019un plan institutionnel dans un document de politique publique vers la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 sur le terrain, mais il y a une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 d\u00e9sordonn\u00e9e qui se produit entre ceux-ci. Ensuite, nous devons simplement reconna\u00eetre d\u00e8s le d\u00e9but lorsque nous nous lan\u00e7ons dans ces processus. Notamment, les attentes partag\u00e9es en ce qui concerne les ambitions des r\u00e9sultats qu\u2019on attend.<\/p>\n
Nous pouvons examiner cela au niveau op\u00e9rationnel. Les programmes doivent tenir compte de cette r\u00e9alit\u00e9 d\u00e9sordonn\u00e9e et comprendre la dynamique politique et de pouvoir pour bien s\u2019engager.\u00a0 Nous ne pouvons donc pas simplement programmer comme si ces choses n\u2019existaient pas, mais nous devons en tenir compte lors du d\u00e9veloppement de nos programmes.<\/p>\n
Et enfin, nous devons simplement accepter et reconna\u00eetre que l\u2019hybridation n\u2019est pas surprenante, qu\u2019elle se produit tout le temps, et ce n\u2019est pas un probl\u00e8me en soi, tous les ordres sont sous certaines formes hybrides, que la forme qu\u2019ils prennent soit pr\u00e9judiciable et ait eu un co\u00fbt politique, \u00e9conomique et social important pour certains groupes, par exemple parce qu\u2019elle continue ou m\u00eame renforce la marginalisation de certains groupes.\u00a0 ce n\u2019est pas une cons\u00e9quence de l\u2019hybridation en tant que telle, mais\u00a0 de la nature de la dynamique politique sous-jacente. Et nous devons payer attention \u00e0 ce dernier plut\u00f4t que de d\u00e9plorer ou de c\u00e9l\u00e9brer l\u2019hybridation.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_tabs][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"