{"id":828,"date":"2023-05-24T21:28:26","date_gmt":"2023-05-24T20:28:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/research.reading.ac.uk\/madagascar-hybricon\/?p=828"},"modified":"2023-06-14T19:08:33","modified_gmt":"2023-06-14T18:08:33","slug":"land-conflicts-in-madagascar-a-struggle-for-land-and-property-rights-conflits-fonciers-a-madagascar-un-combat-pour-la-terre-et-les-droits-de-propriete","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/research.reading.ac.uk\/madagascar-hybricon\/land-conflicts-in-madagascar-a-struggle-for-land-and-property-rights-conflits-fonciers-a-madagascar-un-combat-pour-la-terre-et-les-droits-de-propriete\/","title":{"rendered":"Land Conflicts in Madagascar: A Struggle for Land and Property Rights ~ Conflits fonciers \u00e0 Madagascar : Un combat pour la terre et les droits de propri\u00e9t\u00e9"},"content":{"rendered":"
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By Velomahanina Razakamaharavo and Lalatiana Rakotondranaivo<\/p>\n

24\/05\/2023<\/p>\n

Land Conflicts in Madagascar: A Struggle for Land and Property Rights<\/strong><\/h1>\n

A conflict can be defined as a complex situation involving two or more actors with incompatibilities. Such conflicts can manifest in either latent or visible forms and have the potential to escalate into violence. According to the findings of a survey<\/a> conducted by the NGO Obs Mada, approximately 25% of conflicts in Madagascar are related to land disputes. The prevalence of these land conflicts in the country highlights their significance as a societal issue, especially when intertwined with political dimensions. Land, being one of the most crucial resources, becomes a focal point of contention for communities. Given that roughly 80% of the population resides in rural areas and depends on agriculture for their livelihoods, the prosperity of the land (including its water, agricultural products, and mining potential) directly impacts their well-being.<\/p>\n

Colonial legacy <\/strong><\/p>\n

The colonial legacy in Madagascar has left a lasting impact on the land ownership and governance systems. Prior to the colonization which commenced in 1896, the land was under the control of the kings and queens, who wielded authority over it. However, with the arrival of French colonialism, new land management practices were introduced. The French established a dedicated land registration unit, creating the Torrens registration system and cadastre<\/a>. These measures aimed to document land concessions granted to colonialists while also reserving certain meagre areas for the Malagasy people. Unfortunately, during the colonial period, a significant portion of productive arable land, estimated to be about one-fifth, was forcefully expropriated by the French. This resulted in a profound imbalance of land ownership. Additionally, in 1921, a legal division was instituted, distinguishing between registered land and land governed by customary law. These policies posed significant challenges for the Malagasy population in their quest to obtain land titles, as the laws were primarily designed to favor the interests of the colonialists and not the indigenous people. Despite various attempts at reform, these rules and practices originating from the colonial era persist within the contemporary Malagasy land system. The legacy of inequality and limited access to land continues to affect the population. Mr Eric Raparison, the coordinator of Sehatra Iombonana ho an'ny Fananan-tany, highlights that since 1960, after Madagascar gained independence, the state encouraged Malagasy individuals to cultivate the land. However, stringent requirements, such as a minimum residency period of ten years, made it particularly challenging for them to secure land titles.<\/p>\n

A constant struggle <\/strong><\/p>\n

The case of a family living in the capital illustrates the frequent occurrence of land conflicts among heirs. Virginia's family inherited a piece of land, with several individuals owning shares of it. At some point, one of the heirs decides to sell his share and also sells a portion of the land that does not belong to him. This individual manages to create a deed of sale with a company that purchases the land using false documents. Virginia's family lodged a complaint with the fokontany, the nearest local government structure, in search of a solution. According to her, the officials at the fokontany collaborated in the creation of false documents to facilitate the sale. However, despite their efforts, Virginia's family failed to win the case. Subsequently, they decided to take the matter to court. Legal proceedings were initiated, but due to a lack of financial means to hire a lawyer, the family had to suspend the case. At present, the family continues to use the land for their activities because the new buyer has not yet taken possession of it. Virginia and her family desired to meet the buyer, but they have been unable to do so as they are unsure how to contact them.<\/p>\n

In the case of Virginie and her co-heirs, they had to resort to legal action and take the case to court because their attempts at reconciliation within the family and the intervention of the fokontany were unsuccessful. This is a common path taken by individuals facing conflicts, including land disputes. Typically, conflicts are initially addressed within the community and escalated to the fokontany level if no resolution is reached. According to a fokontany official, the institution's role is to facilitate understanding and seek an amicable resolution between the conflicting parties. However, in the absence of an agreement, the concerned individuals must file a complaint with the court.<\/p>\n

Traditions <\/strong><\/p>\n

In Malagasy tradition, the resolution of conflicts often involves the intervention of community elders, as explained by Tangalamena Botozafisoa Jules. According to him, when there is a problem within the community, the elders take charge without the involvement of police, gendarmes, or courts. The elders, who have a deep understanding of the community, first step in to mediate the conflict. They summon the parties involved and hold meetings in the presence of community members. Decisions are made to prevent the recurrence of conflicts, and sanctions are imposed on those found at fault. If the individual continues to offend, further measures will be taken by the community. According to Mr. Botozafisoa, this traditional practice has proven effective. However, it has gradually been replaced by the application of the law, which he believes creates more problems than solutions. He argues that structures such as the fokontany (local administrative unit) and the police do not adequately address conflicts because they struggle to distinguish between truth and falsehood.<\/p>\n

This mediation by the elders is also practiced by the fokontany, according to Mr Randriamboavonjy Joseph, President of Fokontany Ikopakely in Ambohitrimanjaka. He explains that they make efforts to reconcile conflicting parties. In cases of land conflicts where two parties claim ownership with supporting documents, they aim to identify the root cause of the problem by gathering information from witnesses. If the conflicting parties are co-heirs, the fokontany seeks a resolution through the division of the land or the crops that have been produced on it. However, if both sides are unwilling to share, they advise the parties to pursue legal recourse by taking the matter to court.<\/p>\n

Types of conflicts and procedures for obtaining land titles<\/strong><\/p>\n

There are various types of land conflicts in Madagascar. One such case is when land is unclaimed but can be considered as belonging to the State. According to Malagasy law, individuals who have occupied and cultivated the land for a substantial period of time can apply for a land title. If they can demonstrate that they have been working the land for over 10 years in rural areas or over 20 years in urban areas, they are eligible to apply for a state land title. During this legal process, the estates department represents the state, and if the application is unsuccessful, the Ministry of Spatial Planning handles the claims.<\/p>\n

Another case involves land in rural areas that is owned by the State but lacks formal titles and is traditionally associated with ancestors. In such situations, the rural communes, which are administrative units of the state, play a role in providing land titles. The Birao Ifotony ny Fananan-tany or BIF (Local Land Office) within the commune makes the decision to grant titles by ensuring that all the necessary documents are legally valid. The communal council, which includes a small court, adjudicates disputes and determines the allocation duration for each party involved. Once the BIF documents are signed by the mayor, they can be utilized to claim land titles from the state within 15 days by presenting them in court.<\/p>\n

In certain scenarios, individuals may cultivate land without possessing legal title or ownership. In such cases, they need to initiate an acquisition prescription process through the court. Additionally, the municipality is required to certify that they have worked on the land for a period exceeding 10 years. As stated by lawyer Master Raoelina Fanomezantsoa Christian, once they have obtained the acquisition prescription from the court, they can transfer the ownership of the land title to reflect their efforts and occupation.<\/p>\n

But Madagascar has also witnessed numerous instances of land grabbing perpetrated by large companies, including mining companies.<\/p>\n

On the mining sector <\/strong><\/p>\n

Until now, the mining code and the land law have been complementary in Madagascar. According to the 2005 law<\/a>, anyone holding a mining permit cannot commence mining operations without reaching an agreement with the occupants of the land, even if they do not possess land titles. While mineral resources technically belong to the State, they are ultimately owned by Malagasy citizens rather than civil servants. Individuals who have made developments on the land, even without formal land titles, are protected by this law. It is the responsibility of the municipality where a mining area is defined to identify the occupants within the mining cadastre. This census is conducted prior to the arrival of mining operators to facilitate negotiations between the parties involved.<\/p>\n

The civil society conducts a parcel census within the mining perimeter to gather information about land ownership and occupants. Subsequently, a good neighbourly contract is established to foster social harmony between farmers, the local population, and mining operators, with the aim of preventing conflicts.<\/p>\n

Given that mining activities have long-lasting effects on the land, such as up to 30 years, it is suggested that it is necessary for royalties to be paid to the municipality. Additionally, the operating company is required to develop a Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) plan, recognizing that mineral resources are non-renewable. The interests of the Malagasy population should be prioritized, but unfortunately, in some cases, mining activities have led to impoverishment and harm to the local communities.<\/p>\n

Challenges: Why do land conflicts persist in Madagascar? <\/strong><\/p>\n

According to Mr Eric Raparison, the National Coordinator of the civil society organization Solidarit\u00e9 des Intervenants du foncier<\/a> (SIF\/ Solidarity of Land Stakeholders), land conflicts persist in Madagascar due to the absence of a clear and comprehensive land use planning policy, inadequate land acquisition policies, and insufficient protection of land ownership rights.<\/p>\n

Policies regarding land ownership in Madagascar lack clarity. The law states that citizens have the right to apply for land from the state. However, despite the increasing number of Malagasy youth entering the job market each year, there is no policy that acknowledges this reality or provides them with land. It is worth noting that 80% of the Malagasy population are farmers or young individuals from this demographic, highlighting the need for policies that consider their needs. This is where spatial planning policies play a crucial role in addressing conflicts. Such policies would involve allocating land for Malagasy families and future generations, with designated areas for agriculture to ensure food security and irrigation, prohibiting the construction of houses on agricultural land.<\/p>\n

The World Food Programme states that there are approximately 10 million hectares of land in Madagascar that can be utilized for agricultural purposes. However, only 30% of this land is currently being cultivated by the Malagasy population. This is not due to laziness on the part of the Malagasy people but rather their reluctance to settle in remote areas where there is a lack of security, basic amenities such as schools and water access, and other challenges. The responsibility for addressing these issues lies with the State, which should utilize taxes and invest in spatial planning and public infrastructure of general interest. Unfortunately, there has been a lack of serious and effective land-use planning policies, and if any policies do exist, they have not been adequately implemented. This is evident from the insufficient allocation of funds in the state budget. For instance, in the 2022 amending finance law<\/a>, the Ministry of Spatial Planning received a mere 253,493,360 Ar (approximately 2.35% of the State budget).<\/p>\n

What to do? <\/strong><\/p>\n

The legal instruments mentioned by Mr. Raparison will indeed play a significant role in facilitating land acquisition and organizing land use according to the needs of the Malagasy population. Implementing these policies will not only address the land conflicts but also help mitigate the illegal acquisition of land by large international corporations seeking to profit from Madagascar's resources. By establishing clear regulations and guidelines, these policies will contribute to ensuring that land is allocated and utilized in a manner that benefits the local population and protects their rights.<\/p>\n

Municipalities, as administrative units of the State, play a central role in land use planning and acquisition policies. They have primary responsibility for issuing land titles and collecting property taxes. Mr. Raparison suggests that reforms are necessary, and one approach is to ensure that municipalities harmonize three key policies: spatial planning, land titling, and tax collection. It is essential for municipalities to have a clear spatial planning strategy and conduct comprehensive inventories of land within their respective areas to identify landowners and properly allocate areas for agricultural activities. This proactive approach helps prevent land conflicts and secure the future for the next generation. Failing to do so would create a risk of foreign entities exploiting Malagasy land for their own interests and economy, while also increasing the likelihood of internal conflicts among the Malagasy people over limited and fragmented land resources.<\/p>\n\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t

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Par Velomahanina Razakamaharavo et Lalatiana Rakotondranaivo<\/p>\n

24\/05\/2023<\/p>\n

Conflits fonciers \u00e0 Madagascar : Un combat pour la terre et les droits de propri\u00e9t\u00e9 <\/strong><\/h1>\n

Un conflit peut \u00eatre d\u00e9fini comme une situation impliquant deux ou plusieurs acteurs ayant des int\u00e9r\u00eats diff\u00e9rents ou divergents, qu'ils soient apparents ou latents. Malheureusement, ces conflits peuvent souvent d\u00e9g\u00e9n\u00e9rer en violence. Selon une enqu\u00eate<\/a> men\u00e9e par l'ONG Obs Mada sur les conflits \u00e0 Madagascar, il a \u00e9t\u00e9 constat\u00e9 que 25% de ces conflits \u00e9taient li\u00e9s \u00e0 des litiges fonciers. Les conflits fonciers sont une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 fr\u00e9quente \u00e0 Madagascar, constituant un probl\u00e8me majeur au sein de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9. De plus, lorsque ces conflits prennent une dimension politique, ils ont tendance \u00e0 s'aggraver. La terre repr\u00e9sente l'une des ressources les plus pr\u00e9cieuses pour lesquelles les communaut\u00e9s se battent ardemment. Dans un pays o\u00f9 pr\u00e8s de 80% de la population vit en milieu rural et d\u00e9pend de l'agriculture pour sa subsistance, les richesses de la terre (telles que l'eau, les produits agricoles, les mines, etc.) jouent un r\u00f4le essentiel dans leur vie quotidienne.<\/p>\n

H\u00e9ritage coloniale<\/strong><\/p>\n

Avant la colonisation de Madagascar en 1896, les rois et les reines exer\u00e7aient le pouvoir sur les terres et les gouvernaient. Le colonialisme fran\u00e7ais a introduit la gestion des terres \u00e0 Madagascar. Les Fran\u00e7ais ont cr\u00e9\u00e9 une unit\u00e9 charg\u00e9e de l'enregistrement foncier. Pendant la p\u00e9riode coloniale, on estime que les Fran\u00e7ais ont expropri\u00e9 par la force environ 20% des terres arables en production. Ils ont mis en place le syst\u00e8me d'enregistrement Torrens et le cadastre<\/a> pour enregistrer les concessions fonci\u00e8res accord\u00e9es aux colons, tout en r\u00e9servant \u00e9galement quelques terres pour les Malgaches. En 1921, une distinction juridique a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9tablie entre les terres enregistr\u00e9es et les terres d\u00e9tenues selon le droit coutumier. Il \u00e9tait particuli\u00e8rement difficile pour les Malgaches d'obtenir des titres fonciers, car ces lois n'\u00e9taient pas con\u00e7ues pour eux. Malgr\u00e9 diverses tentatives de r\u00e9forme, ces r\u00e8gles et pratiques persistent dans le syst\u00e8me foncier malgache contemporain. Selon Eric Raparison, coordinateur national du Sehatra Iombonana ho an'ny Fananan-tany<\/a>, en 1960, l'\u00c9tat a encourag\u00e9 les Malgaches \u00e0 cultiver des terres et ils ne pouvaient obtenir des titres que s'ils avaient v\u00e9cu plus de 10 ans sur ces terres.<\/p>\n

Un combat constant<\/strong><\/p>\n

Le cas d'une famille habitant la capitale illustre un sc\u00e9nario fr\u00e9quent de conflit foncier entre h\u00e9ritiers. La famille de Virginie a h\u00e9rit\u00e9 d'un terrain, dont plusieurs membres sont propri\u00e9taires. \u00c0 un moment donn\u00e9, l'un des h\u00e9ritiers d\u00e9cide de vendre sa part et met \u00e9galement en vente la partie du terrain qui ne lui appartient pas. Il parvient \u00e0 \u00e9tablir un acte de vente avec une entreprise qui ach\u00e8te le terrain en utilisant de faux documents. La famille de Virginie se rend alors au fokontany, la structure \u00e9tatique locale la plus proche, pour trouver une solution. Selon eux, les responsables de ce fokontany ont collabor\u00e9 \u00e0 la cr\u00e9ation de faux documents afin de faciliter la vente. N'ayant pas obtenu satisfaction, Virginie et sa famille d\u00e9cident de porter l'affaire devant le tribunal. Une proc\u00e9dure est entam\u00e9e, mais faute de ressources financi\u00e8res pour payer un avocat, la famille est contrainte de suspendre la proc\u00e9dure. La famille continue d'utiliser le terrain pour le moment, car le nouvel acqu\u00e9reur n'y a pas encore touch\u00e9. Virginie et sa famille ont tent\u00e9 de rencontrer l'acheteur, mais n'ont pas r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 entrer en contact avec lui.<\/p>\n

Dans le cas de Virginie et des autres coh\u00e9ritiers, ils ont d\u00fb recourir au tribunal car les tentatives de r\u00e9conciliation au sein de la famille et l'intervention du fokontany n'ont pas abouti. Ce parcours est g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement suivi par ceux qui sont confront\u00e9s \u00e0 des conflits fonciers. En r\u00e8gle g\u00e9n\u00e9rale, les litiges sont r\u00e9solus au sein de la communaut\u00e9, puis port\u00e9s au niveau du fokontany si aucun accord n'est trouv\u00e9. Selon un responsable du fokontany, le r\u00f4le de cette institution est de faciliter un accord entre les parties en conflit. L'objectif est de r\u00e9soudre l'affaire \u00e0 l'amiable. En cas d'\u00e9chec de conciliation, les parties concern\u00e9es d\u00e9posent une plainte aupr\u00e8s du tribunal.<\/p>\n

Traditions<\/strong><\/p>\n

Selon le Tangalamena, Botozafisoa Jules, dans la tradition malgache, la r\u00e9solution des conflits n\u00e9cessite l'intervention des a\u00een\u00e9s de la communaut\u00e9 : \"En cas de probl\u00e8me au sein de la communaut\u00e9, les a\u00een\u00e9s prennent en charge l'affaire, sans intervention de la police, de la gendarmerie ou des tribunaux ... La solution r\u00e9side entre les mains des a\u00een\u00e9s du village. Ils interviennent en premier. Les responsables des fokontany ne connaissent pas la communaut\u00e9 aussi bien qu'eux. Les a\u00een\u00e9s convoquent les parties en conflit en pr\u00e9sence des membres de la communaut\u00e9. Ils prennent des d\u00e9cisions afin d'\u00e9viter que les conflits ne se reproduisent. Des sanctions sont prononc\u00e9es \u00e0 l'encontre de celui qui est en faute, et en cas de r\u00e9cidive, la communaut\u00e9 prendra des mesures.\" Selon lui, cette pratique est efficace, mais elle a \u00e9t\u00e9 progressivement remplac\u00e9e par l'application de la loi, ce qui cr\u00e9e plus de probl\u00e8mes que de solutions. Toujours selon M. Botozafisoa, les structures telles que les fokontany et la police ne parviennent pas \u00e0 r\u00e9soudre les probl\u00e8mes, car elles ne permettent pas de distinguer le vrai du faux.<\/p>\n

Cette m\u00e9diation r\u00e9alis\u00e9e par les a\u00een\u00e9s est \u00e9galement pratiqu\u00e9e par les fokontany, comme l'explique M. Randriamboavonjy Joseph, pr\u00e9sident du Fokontany Ikopakely \u00e0 Ambohitrimanjaka : \"Nous essayons de r\u00e9concilier les parties en conflit. Lorsqu'il s'agit d'un conflit foncier o\u00f9 deux protagonistes pr\u00e9tendent tous les deux \u00eatre propri\u00e9taires d'un terrain, preuves \u00e0 l'appui, nous cherchons \u00e0 identifier l'origine du probl\u00e8me et faisons appel \u00e0 des t\u00e9moins. Si ce sont des coh\u00e9ritiers, nous demandons \u00e0 un partage du terrain ou des r\u00e9coltes qui y ont \u00e9t\u00e9 produites. Si les deux parties ne souhaitent pas partager, ils portent le probl\u00e8me devant le tribunal.\u201d<\/p>\n

Types de conflits et proc\u00e9dures pour obtenir des titres fonciers<\/strong><\/p>\n

Il existe diff\u00e9rents types de conflits fonciers \u00e0 Madagascar. Tout d'abord, il y a le cas des terres sans propri\u00e9taire clairement d\u00e9fini, mais qui sont consid\u00e9r\u00e9es comme appartenant \u00e0 l'\u00c9tat. Selon la loi malgache, les personnes ayant occup\u00e9 ces terres pendant une longue p\u00e9riode et les ayant exploit\u00e9es peuvent demander \u00e0 en devenir propri\u00e9taires. Elles peuvent obtenir un titre foncier de l'\u00c9tat en prouvant qu'elles ont travaill\u00e9 cette terre pendant plus de 10 ans (dans les zones rurales) ou plus de 20 ans (dans les zones urbaines). Dans cette proc\u00e9dure l\u00e9gale, le Service des Domaines repr\u00e9sente l'\u00c9tat, et en cas d'\u00e9chec, le Minist\u00e8re de l'Am\u00e9nagement du Territoire traite les revendications.<\/p>\n

Un autre cas concerne les terres rurales qui appartiennent \u00e0 l'\u00c9tat mais n'ont pas de titres clairs et sont traditionnellement h\u00e9rit\u00e9es des anc\u00eatres. Dans ce cas, les communes rurales, en tant qu'unit\u00e9s administratives de l'\u00c9tat, avec leur Bureau local foncier appel\u00e9 \"Birao Ifotony ny Fananan-tany\" ou BIF, prennent la d\u00e9cision de d\u00e9livrer des titres fonciers en v\u00e9rifiant la l\u00e9galit\u00e9 des documents. Le conseil communal dispose d'un tribunal local qui statue sur les litiges entre les parties et d\u00e9finit la dur\u00e9e allou\u00e9e \u00e0 chacune. Le maire signe les documents du BIF, et ces documents peuvent \u00eatre utilis\u00e9s pour demander le titre foncier \u00e0 l'\u00c9tat dans un d\u00e9lai de 15 jours devant un tribunal.<\/p>\n

Dans d'autres situations, des individus travaillent des terres sans titres ni propri\u00e9taires clairement identifi\u00e9s. Dans ces cas, ils doivent entamer une proc\u00e9dure de prescription d'acquisition aupr\u00e8s du tribunal. Une fois de plus, la commune doit attester qu'ils ont travaill\u00e9 les terres pendant plus de 10 ans. Selon l'avocat Ma\u00eetre Raoelina Fanomezantsoa Christian, une fois que cette attestation est obtenue du tribunal, ils peuvent devenir propri\u00e9taires des terres qu'ils ont exploit\u00e9es en faisant modifier le titre de propri\u00e9t\u00e9.<\/p>\n

Cependant, Madagascar a \u00e9galement connu de nombreux cas d'appropriation de terres par de grandes entreprises telles que des compagnies mini\u00e8res.<\/p>\n

En ce qui concerne le secteur minier<\/strong><\/p>\n

Jusqu'\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent, le code minier et la loi fonci\u00e8re se compl\u00e9taient mutuellement. Celui qui d\u00e9tient un permis minier ne peut pas commencer l'exploitation sans obtenir un accord avec les occupants du terrain, m\u00eame si ces derniers ne poss\u00e8dent pas de titres fonciers (selon la loi de 2005<\/a>). Bien que les ressources mini\u00e8res appartiennent \u00e0 l'\u00c9tat, elles ne sont pas r\u00e9serv\u00e9es aux fonctionnaires, mais aux citoyens malgaches. Les personnes qui ont entrepris des travaux de mise en valeur, m\u00eame sans avoir de titres fonciers, sont prot\u00e9g\u00e9es par cette loi. Il incombe \u00e0 la commune o\u00f9 un p\u00e9rim\u00e8tre minier est d\u00e9fini de recenser les occupants dans le cadastre minier. Ce recensement est effectu\u00e9 avant l'arriv\u00e9e des exploitants, ce qui permet d'entamer les n\u00e9gociations.<\/p>\n

La soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile effectue un recensement parcellaire dans le p\u00e9rim\u00e8tre minier. Apr\u00e8s cela, il est possible de conclure un contrat de bon voisinage afin d'\u00e9tablir une harmonie sociale entre les exploitants et la population locale, et ainsi \u00e9viter les conflits.<\/p>\n

\u00c9tant donn\u00e9 que les activit\u00e9s mini\u00e8res ont un impact sur la terre pendant une p\u00e9riode de 30 ans apr\u00e8s l'exploitation, des redevances doivent \u00eatre vers\u00e9es \u00e0 la commune. Une entreprise exploitante doit \u00e9tablir un plan de Responsabilit\u00e9 Soci\u00e9tale de l'Entreprise (RSE), car les ressources mini\u00e8res ne sont pas renouvelables. Les int\u00e9r\u00eats communs devraient profiter \u00e0 la population malgache. Cependant, dans certains cas, ces activit\u00e9s mini\u00e8res entra\u00eenent l'appauvrissement et des dommages pour les populations locales.<\/p>\n

Pourquoi les conflits fonciers persistent-ils \u00e0 Madagascar ?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Selon Mr Eric Raparison, les conflits fonciers persistent en raison de l'absence d'une politique claire et solide d'am\u00e9nagement du territoire, ainsi que de politiques d'acquisition de terres et de droits de propri\u00e9t\u00e9 fonci\u00e8re.<\/p>\n

Les politiques relatives \u00e0 la propri\u00e9t\u00e9 fonci\u00e8re ne sont pas suffisamment d\u00e9finies, et la loi se contente simplement d'affirmer que les citoyens ont le droit de demander des terres \u00e0 l'\u00c9tat. Cependant, chaque ann\u00e9e, le nombre de jeunes Malgaches entrant sur le march\u00e9 du travail augmente. De plus, environ 80 % de la population malgache sont des agriculteurs ou des jeunes issus de cette partie de la population. Malheureusement, il n'existe pas de politique qui tienne compte de cette r\u00e9alit\u00e9 ou qui leur octroie des terres. C'est l\u00e0 que l'importance d'une politique d'am\u00e9nagement du territoire se manifeste afin de r\u00e9soudre ces conflits. Ces politiques devraient concerner l'attribution des terres que les Malgaches doivent transmettre \u00e0 leurs familles et aux g\u00e9n\u00e9rations futures. Certaines terres pourraient \u00eatre r\u00e9serv\u00e9es \u00e0 des fins agricoles, interdisant ainsi toute construction pour garantir la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 alimentaire et permettre l'irrigation.<\/p>\n

Le Programme Alimentaire Mondial affirme que 10 millions d'hectares de terres \u00e0 Madagascar pourraient \u00eatre utilis\u00e9s \u00e0 des fins agricoles. Cependant, les Malgaches n'exploitent que 30 % de ces terres. Ce n'est pas parce que les Malgaches sont paresseux, mais plut\u00f4t parce qu'ils ne veulent pas vivre dans des endroits \u00e9loign\u00e9s o\u00f9 r\u00e8gne l'ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 et o\u00f9 il n'y a ni \u00e9coles ni acc\u00e8s \u00e0 l'eau, etc. L'\u00c9tat est responsable de cette situation, car il devrait utiliser les imp\u00f4ts collect\u00e9s pour investir dans l'am\u00e9nagement du territoire et les infrastructures publiques essentielles. Jusqu'\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent, il n'y a pas eu de politiques s\u00e9rieuses et claires en mati\u00e8re d'am\u00e9nagement du territoire, du moins si elles ont exist\u00e9, elles n'ont pas \u00e9t\u00e9 mises en \u0153uvre. Cela se refl\u00e8te dans le faible montant allou\u00e9 \u00e0 ces projets dans le budget de l'\u00c9tat. Par exemple, dans la loi des finances rectificative 2022<\/a>, le minist\u00e8re de l'Am\u00e9nagement du Territoire a re\u00e7u une allocation de seulement 253 493 360 Ariary, soit environ 2,35 % du budget de l'\u00c9tat.<\/p>\n

Que faire ?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Les instruments juridiques mentionn\u00e9s par M. Raparison faciliteront l'acquisition de terres et organiseront leur utilisation en fonction des besoins de la population malgache. De plus, ces politiques r\u00e9duiront les acquisitions illicites de terres par de grandes entreprises internationales cherchant \u00e0 r\u00e9aliser des profits \u00e0 Madagascar.<\/p>\n

Les communes et leur r\u00f4le en tant qu'unit\u00e9s administratives de l'\u00c9tat sont au c\u0153ur des politiques d'am\u00e9nagement et d'acquisition des terres. Elles sont les premi\u00e8res responsables de ces politiques, car elles d\u00e9livrent les titres fonciers et per\u00e7oivent les imp\u00f4ts fonciers. M. Raparison sugg\u00e8re que des r\u00e9formes sont n\u00e9cessaires, et l'une des fa\u00e7ons de les mettre en \u0153uvre est d'amener les communes \u00e0 concilier trois politiques essentielles : l'am\u00e9nagement du territoire, l'attribution des titres fonciers et la collecte des imp\u00f4ts. Les communes doivent \u00e9tablir un plan de planification clair et r\u00e9aliser un inventaire de toutes les terres dans chaque localit\u00e9 afin d'identifier les propri\u00e9taires et de limiter ou de d\u00e9finir les surfaces allou\u00e9es aux activit\u00e9s agricoles. Cette d\u00e9marche vise \u00e0 pr\u00e9venir les conflits fonciers et \u00e0 assurer l'avenir des g\u00e9n\u00e9rations futures. Si ces mesures ne sont pas prises, il existe toujours un risque que des \u00e9trangers s'approprient les terres malgaches \u00e0 des fins personnelles et \u00e9conomiques, ce qui pourrait conduire les Malgaches \u00e0 se battre entre eux pour de petites parcelles de terre inutiles.<\/p>\n\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>

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