{"id":29118,"date":"2024-02-07T09:00:08","date_gmt":"2024-02-07T09:00:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/research.reading.ac.uk\/research-blog\/?p=29118"},"modified":"2024-02-06T14:56:55","modified_gmt":"2024-02-06T14:56:55","slug":"how-the-social-structures-of-nazi-germany-created-a-bystander-society","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/research.reading.ac.uk\/research-blog\/2024\/02\/07\/how-the-social-structures-of-nazi-germany-created-a-bystander-society\/","title":{"rendered":"How the social structures of Nazi Germany created a bystander society"},"content":{"rendered":"

In the initial post-war judicial proceedings to establish what had happened under Nazism, and to punish the perpetrators of crimes, victims\u2019 accounts were often\u00a0discredited<\/a>. Only in 1961, with the high-profile trial of Nazi war criminal\u00a0Adolf Eichmann<\/a>\u00a0in Jerusalem, did the focus shift.<\/p>\n

\"The
The Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe, Berlin.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

For many survivors, the concept of \u201cHolocaust testimony\u201d \u2013 accounts of what they had lived through \u2013 took on almost sacred dimensions. In 1989, author and Auschwitz-survivor Elie Wiesel\u00a0argued<\/a>\u00a0that it was unethical for anyone besides surviving victims of the Holocaust to try to represent or explain it.<\/p>\n

In some ways, Wiesel\u2019s insistence that only surviving victims could really \u201cknow\u201d the Holocaust has contributed to the mystification of this historical period. Holocaust deniers\u00a0have misappropriated<\/a>\u00a0this very process to their own ends.<\/p>\n

Examining contemporary non-victims\u2019 perspectives can help us to understand the violence perpetrated as, in part, the result of social systems.\u00a0My research<\/a>\u00a0explores how accounts by anti-Nazi refugees were received (in translation) by British readers at the time.<\/p>\n

Such memoirs\u00a0can illustrate<\/a>\u00a0the process by which Nazism transformed the German population into what historian Mary Fulbrook calls a\u00a0\u201cbystander society\u201d<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 even before the conditions of wartime normalised acts of excessive violence.<\/p>\n

Living in Nazi Germany<\/h2>\n

In 1939, Sebastian Haffner, whose real name was Raimund Pretzel, wrote a memoir titled\u00a0Geschichte eines Deutschen. Die Erinnerungen 1914\u20131933<\/em>\u00a0(Stories of a German. Recollections 1914-1933).<\/p>\n

It was published after the author\u2019s death in 2000, using the pen name under which he had become famous as a journalist in post-war West Germany. An English translation followed in 2003, titled Defying Hitler. Historian Dan Stone\u00a0has described<\/a>\u00a0it as \u201camong the more remarkable contemporary analyses of Nazism and the Third Reich\u201d.<\/p>\n

Haffner was a law trainee when Hitler took power. As the Nazi regime destroyed the democratic legal system he had studied, he took up journalism instead. His partner, Erika Schmidt-Landry, had been designated \u201cJewish\u201d according to the\u00a0Nuremberg race laws<\/a>. When she became pregnant with Haffner\u2019s child, the couple left Germany for England.<\/p>\n

In the UK, Haffner started writing a memoir of his life so far, including his view of the rise of Nazism. In one telling scene, he describes how he felt when the Jewish colleagues in his law firm were forced out by Nazi storm troopers (AKA brown shirts) on April 1 1933, the day of the Jewish boycott. Some colleagues paced about nervously. Others sniggered. One Jewish colleague simply packed his bags and left.<\/p>\n

Haffner writes:<\/p>\n

My own heart beat heavily. What should I do? How keep my poise? Just ignore them, do not let them disturb me. I put my head down over my work. [\u2026] Meanwhile a brown shirt approached me and took up position in front of my work table. \u2018Are you Aryan?\u2019 Before I had a chance to think, I had said, \u2018Yes.\u2019 [\u2026] The blood shot to my face. A moment too late I felt the shame, the defeat. [\u2026] I had failed my first test. I could have slapped myself.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

On another occasion, at a compulsory indoctrination camp for law students, Haffner is forced to perform the Hitler salute and sing pro-Nazi songs. He writes: \u201cFor the first time I had the feeling, so strong it left a taste in my mouth: \u2018This doesn\u2019t count. This isn\u2019t me. It doesn\u2019t count.\u2019 And with this feeling I too raised my arm and held it stretched out ahead of me for about three minutes.\u201d<\/p>\n

Haffner\u2019s account illustrates the self-deception and denial by which many people who did not actively support the Nazi regime survived within it. In an interview given in 1989, Haffner\u00a0said<\/a>\u00a0it wasn\u2019t that all Germans were Nazis but nor did Nazism hardly affect everyday life: \u201cIt was possible to live in a way alongside it.\u201d<\/p>\n

A bystander society<\/h2>\n

Fulbrook\u00a0has shown<\/a>\u00a0how ordinary Germans were drawn into \u201cprocesses of complicity\u201d. Under Nazism, standing by as state-sponsored acts of collective violence were perpetrated gradually became the required norm. The personal risks of doing otherwise were very real. \u201cWhat might be a morally laudable stance in a liberal, democratic regime,\u201d Fulbrook writes, \u201cmay be, in other circumstances, both ineffective and potentially suicidal.\u201d<\/p>\n

If someone in the UK in 2024 judges German bystanders to Nazi crimes as \u201cguilty\u201d for not standing up for victims, they do so according to the moral obligations of a liberal democracy. Hitler\u2019s ascension to power in 1933, however, had marked the end of German democracy. The Third Reich was a brutal police state. People were encouraged to denounce opponents to the regime. Defiance ran the risk of arrest, imprisonment or political \u201cre-education\u201d in a concentration camp under\u00a0Schutzhaft<\/em>\u00a0(\u201cprotective custody\u201d).<\/p>\n

Both in Germany and across the international community, everyone had to understand the violence enacted under Nazism on their own terms. Even the words \u201cgenocide\u201d and \u201cHolocaust\u201d, by which the era has since been defined, were not yet in people\u2019s vocabulary.<\/p>\n

The term \u201cgenocide<\/a>\u201d was coined by the Polish lawyer, Raphael Lemkin, in 1944 to describe the Nazis\u2019 programme of Jewish destruction. \u201cHolocaust<\/a>\u201d, a comparatively older word, only came to be widely used to formally describe the genocide perpetrated under Nazism against Jews\u00a0from the late 1950s<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Further, racial segregation was also practised in other liberal democracies at the time.\u00a0Jim Crow laws<\/a>\u00a0enforced racial segretation across the\u00a0southern US states<\/a>. The notion of racial hierarchy underpinned the British and other European empires.<\/p>\n

Engaging with contemporary non-victims\u2019 perspectives can help us to understand the violence perpetrated during the Holocaust as an effect of social systems. American literature and Holocaust studies scholar Michael Rothberg\u00a0has argued<\/a>\u00a0for an approach to historical violence that considers the perspectives of \u201cimplicated subjects\u201d.<\/p>\n

Rothberg suggests the categories of heroes and villains, victims and perpetrators are inadequate in accounting for the harms done. Moving beyond them can also elucidate the destructive social dynamics of our own period.<\/p>\n

\n

Ellen Pilsworth<\/span> <\/strong><\/a>is a Lecturer in German and Translation Studies at the University of Reading.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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